We’re media-savvy, but are we politics-savvy?

4th May 2010


My hero Armando Iannucci, the man who brings us THE THICK OF IT, argues in today’s Independent that the public has had a good election.


We’re winners.  We are media-savvy.


“We asked big questions, we got annoyed they weren’t being answered, we allowed another guy to have his say and thought he was decent enough to be given serious consideration, we said we didn’t like negative campaigning and made sure it stopped, we roared with mockery when old-fashioned sleazy headlines were brought out on the nation’s front pages, and we quite simply refused to be bought with easy promises, fancy slogans or cheap bribes. If the public were up for election this time round, I’d vote for them….”


The question is: is this media-savvy public also choosing wisely on policy substance?   Or are we blinded by our own brilliant understanding of how the machinery of politics works?  Have we seen so much THICK OF IT that we can’t stop saying “we’re cleverer than you take us for?”  And in doing so, are we, with tragic irony, failing to examine the issues?


The LibDem surge, which Armando is famously backing, is all about voter disaffection.  Sometimes this manifests itself as a cry for electoral reform.   In Armando’s case, he positively wants a hung parliament.   He wants to ‘knock some sense’ into the politicians, and points readers in the direction of a couple of websites for advice on how to ‘achieve’ the hung parliament.


A hung parliament would require a lot of back-room horse trading to form and maintain a coalition government.  The voter would be a million miles away from that, and without a say in the process.  Who knows, if it comes to it, whether the LibDems would go with the Tories or Labour?  They’re chalk and cheese – utterly different directions – but we won’t have a say.  How democratic is that?  And how democratic is it that a party with 80 – 100 seats would hold what is laughably called the “balance” of power and freeze out a party with 250 or more seats?  How democratic is it that Nick Clegg would seek to insist on the choice of leader of another party? 


The truth is that good guys like Armando want a new world order; they want to “actually knock some sense into a political system [of]  iniquities, brutalities and downright inefficiencies”.  I’m afraid they might usher in the very opposite scenario.  A hung parliament promises much more of “the same old politics” – with much less accountability.


Whatever your politics, the public is only the winner and has only had a good election if the political outcomes are well-chosen.  The LibDem surge is all about voter disaffection, and the danger is that that disaffection turns into political outcomes the nation doesn’t actually want. 


Paddy Ashdown said on Radio 4 today, “vote for what you believe in, otherwise how can you get what you want?”   The trouble is, the LibDem surge is about ‘anti-politics’.  You can believe in that if you like.   But giving the LibDems disproportionate power in a hung parliament will not give you what you want.



The real election story

29th April, 2010


Alastair Campbell argues in his blog post today that the real story of the election so far, untold by the media, is that after months of leading the polls, Cameron’s support is only the same as Michael Howard’s was five years ago.


How did it happen?


The reason for Cameron’s decline is that his support was bolstered by voter disaffection, which inevitably harms the long-term incumbents more than their rivals. But this was never solid pro-Tory support, merely folk wanting change.


42% of respondents to a Populus Poll for the Times on April 12 – before the first debate – said “it seems like ‘time for a change’ FROM Labour, but I am not sure it seems ‘time for a change’  TO the Conservatives.”   The nation has not actually swallowed Tory values.


Clegg is now the focus for that big chunk of disaffected electorate.  The tragedy is that the nation hasn’t swallowed LibDem values either – they don’t really know what their policies are.  Even the pundits had to re-read the LibDem manifesto after the first debate to remind themselves what the LibDems stood for.


So the real election story is not just that Cameron has squandered his lead.  It is that if Labour doesn’t pull something out of the bag, we run the real risk of ending up with Tory values the nation doesn’t actually share, or LibDem values the nation doesn’t really understand.


Nick Clegg’s argument

27 April, 2010


1. If nobody wins the election outright, I might hold the balance of power.


2. If Labour and Gordon Brown come third, they will have “lost the election spectacularly”.


3. It would not be legitimate for anyone who had lost spectacularly to run the country, therefore I could not work with Gordon Brown.


4. However I could work with Labour, even if they had lost spectacularly – as long as I can choose the leader.


No smoke-filled-room power-broking for Nick Clegg, then.


Only fresh, new, principled politics.